Posted on Central Tibetan Administration website on www.tibet.net
While sending my greetings to all Tibetans in and outside Tibet, there are a few important issues I would like to present to you.
Since I was very young, I realized that the transformation of our governance into a democratic system was of utmost importance for Tibet's immediate and long-term interest. Therefore, after taking responsibility as the spiritual and political leader of Tibet, I worked hard to establish such a democratic set-up in Tibet. Unfortunately, we were unable to achieve it under the harsh repression of the People's Republic of China. However, immediately after coming into exile, judicious reforms were introduced in the structure of our governance and a newly-elected parliament was constituted. Despite being in exile, the process of the democratization of the Tibetan community has made good headway. Today, the Tibetan community in exile has completely transformed into a modern democracy in the true sense of the word, having an administration with its own charter and a leadership elected by popular vote. We can be proud at this moment when the Tibetan people themselves are ready and able to take responsibility for Tibet.
The reason I have persisted in encouraging the establishment of a democratic system is based entirely on the need to secure a solid and sustainable future system of governance for Tibet. This is not because I was reluctant or wanted to shirk my responsibility. It is extremely important that we take stock of history and our past experience, as well as learn from the present world situation in order to keep up our struggle. All Tibetans should uphold and strengthen the institution of the Central Tibetan Administration, by means of which we will be able to preserve the Tibetan cultural heritage in exile until the issue of Tibet is resolved.
Since coming into exile, we have exercised the essential functions of a democratic system by inviting our people to express their opinions about important political decisions on the future of Tibet. The current, mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach was formulated in the early 1970s as a result of much deliberation and discussion with leaders who represented the Tibetan people such as the Speaker of the House. Moreover, I have specifically stated in the Strasbourg Proposal that the Tibetan people will make the final decision.
After the break in contacts with the PRC in 1993, we conducted an opinion poll of the Tibetans in exile and collected suggestions from Tibet wherever possible on the proposed referendum, by which the Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the outcome of this poll and suggestions from Tibet, our parliament in exile, passed a resolution empowering me to continue to use my discretion on the matter without seeking recourse to a referendum. Therefore, until now we have followed the Middle-Way Approach and eight rounds of talks have taken place since contact with the PRC was restored in 2002. Despite this approach receiving widespread appreciation from the international community, as well as the support of many Chinese intellectuals, there have been no positive signs or changes in Tibet. Indeed, PRC policies towards Tibet and the Tibetans have remained unchanged.
After the sixth round of talks in 2007 with officials of the PRC, there were no plans to hold further talks in the immediate future. But, because of the urgency of the situation in Tibet after the events of March this year, we held informal discussions in the beginning of May, followed by the seventh and eighth rounds of talks in July and at the beginning of November, so as not to leave any stone unturned. Nevertheless, no real progress was made.
In March this year, Tibetans from the whole of Tibet known as Cholka-Sum (U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo), regardless of whether they were young or old, male or female, monastic or lay-people, believers or non-believers, including students, risked their lives by courageously expressing their long-felt dissatisfaction with PRC policies in a peaceful and lawful way. At that time I was hopeful that the PRC government would find a solution based on the reality on the ground. However, on the contrary, the Chinese government has completely ignored and rejected Tibetan feelings and aspirations by brutally cracking down on them, using the accusation that they were 'splittists' and 'reactionaries' as an excuse. During those testing times, out of profound concern and a deep sense of responsibility, I exercised whatever influence I have with the international community and with China, including writing personally to President Hu Jintao. But my efforts hardly made any difference.
Since everyone was preoccupied with the issue of the Beijing Olympics, it did not seem appropriate to consult the general public at that time. Now, since the time is more appropriate, in accordance with clause 59 of the Charter for Tibetans-in-exile I have on 11th September, requested our elected leadership to convene a Special Meeting soon. It is my hope that participants will be able to gather the opinions of their respective communities and be able to present them on this occasion.
Taking into account the inspiring courage being shown by people all over Tibet this year, the current world situation, and the present intransigent stance of the government of the PRC, all the participants, as Tibetan citizens should discuss in a spirit of equality, cooperation and collective responsibility the best possible future course of action to advance the Tibetan cause. This meeting should take place in an atmosphere of openness, putting aside partisan debate. Rather, it should focus on the aspirations and views of the Tibetan people. I appeal to everyone concerned to work together to contribute as best as they can.
This Special Meeting is being convened with the express purpose of providing a forum to understand the real opinions and views of the Tibetan people through free and frank discussions. It must be clear to all that this special meeting does not have any agenda for reaching a particular predetermined outcome.
The Dalai Lama
14 November 2008
N.B Translated from the Tibetan.
Following is the message of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Chinese:
达赖喇嘛对境内外全体藏人的特别讲话
十四世达赖喇嘛向所有境内外的藏人表示问候！同时想对你们讲几个重要的情况：我自年轻时就感到，为藏人的长远和根本利益，西藏的政治制度要进行民主化的重要性，故自担负政教职责以来作了很多努力，但是，在中华人民共和国的压制下未能取得成果。流亡之始，我们立即改组政府组织，并产生由人民选举的议会以来，藏人的民主进展相对于流亡者来讲有很大的进步。如今，流亡社会已经形成具备现代全部民主理念，并具有依法而治的政府，议会和最高行政首脑由人民直接选举产生，藏民族的责任能够由藏人担负的局面。这是值得高兴和自豪的。
我对健全民主制度进行不懈努力的目的,只是为了藏人的政治能够巩固和永续，根本不是自己不想担负责任或者推卸责任。根据过去的历史经验，以及从国际形势中吸取教训，在西藏问题没有得到解决之前，为能持续藏人的斗争，西藏的宗教和文化能够得到继承，流亡藏人的组织由流亡藏人有效管理尤为重要。
自流亡以来，我们实行真正的民主制度，在解决西藏的许多重要政治问题上为能够广泛采纳藏人的意见而进行了不懈的努力。现今我们正在实行的互利中间道路不仅是七十年代初与议会议长等代表民意的领导进行多次协商研究后决定的，而且在斯特拉斯堡的讲话中也清楚地写着最后的决定权在人民手中。
1993年和1994年藏中联系渠道中断后，关于藏人的政治走向能够再次与西藏境内外的藏人协商决定而开始进行了全民公投。但是,最后决定，不需经过正式表决,议会根据预选时大多数民众的意见,全票通过决议要我审势决定。因此,到现在为止我一直坚持中间道路的政策。自2002 年藏中开始恢复接触以来,共进行了八次接触商谈,因而西藏问题在国际上引起了新的关注而获得了各方大力支持,同样,汉族知识分子的支持也持续增长。但是,西藏境内的情况没有得到任何改善,而且,中华人民共和国的对藏政策也没有丝毫变化。
第六次接触商谈后,虽然暂时没有继续接触的计划，但是由于今年西藏境内发生的紧急情况,我们竭尽所能,于五月初进行了一次非正式对话，七月初进行了第七次接触商谈，这个月进行了第八次接触商谈，可是并没有获得实质性的成果。
自今年三月份以来,整个西藏境内不分男女老少、僧俗群众、有无宗教信仰,包括学生在内的西藏三区藏人不顾生命危险，通过合法、和平途径勇敢地表达了长期累积于心中的愤满情绪。当时，我对中国政府根据实际情况，采取相应的解决办法抱有很大的希望。但是恰恰相反，他们抹煞西藏人民的真实意愿，冠以分裂、反动等罪名直接进行了残酷无情的镇压。那时，我不堪忍受，包括给胡锦涛写信等在国际和国内各方面想尽了一切办法,但成效甚微。当时由于大家忙于北京奥运会的举办，不便进行与西藏民众协商讨论的工作，但我认为现在是协商讨论的适当时机，因此，根据<<流亡藏人宪章>>第五十九条之规定，我于今年九月十一日指示噶厦和议会召开特别会议。现在大会即将召开，我希望所有与会人员，反映出自己所代表的民众的所有意见。
大会要将今年西藏境内发生的伟大运动，以及与此相关的国际局势，中国政府的行为等实际情况作为基础，对未来如何解决西藏问题的方方面面要进行全面深入的思考。所有与会人员视自己为同等的西藏公民，在平等的条件下，大家和衷共济、共担责任，对解决西藏问题的利弊得失进行广泛深入的讨论。这种讨论不应该像当今各政党那样坚守自己的观点而进行激烈争论，而应该是能够把民众的真实意见在大会上如实地表达出来。对这一点，我敦请大家共同努力。
大家必须要明白的是，此次特别会议的目的只是通过充分协商讨论的途径，来了解基层民众的真实意见，而根本不是一种政治策略或彼此诿过，更不是企图达到某种隐藏之目的。
达赖喇嘛于2008年11月14日
No comments:
Post a Comment